The charac- teristic thing about democracy is its diffusion of power among the people.That men have recurrently had to have recourse to revolu- tions in order to assert such a pattern of power attests the inveterate presence within society of a contrary tendency.It has been casual, to the point of recklessness, about the positive development of its own authority. But actually, as Laski has pointed out, "The disproportion in America between the actual economic con- trol and the formal political power is almost fantastic." Despite intermittent guerilla warfare between state power and private eco- nomic power through all our national life, democracy has slurred over the challenge to its very existence inherent in growing eco- nomic power.This has been due to a number of factors, (i) The fact that the issue between the two types of power has been so heavily cloaked under the sectional issue between the agrarian and the Eastern industrial states has diverted attention from the fact that capitalist economic power constitutes a direct, continuous, and fundamental threat to the whole structure of democratic authority everywhere and always.(2) The appearance of the Industrial Revo- lution simultaneously with political democracy distracted men's at- tention from the perennially unfinished task of building democ- racy.Equipped with a new and marvelously growing technology and with a raw continent beckoning to be exploited, Americans turned their attention all down through the nineteenth century to the grand adventure of getting rich.You should make her think that girls love talking to you all the time, even if it's not true.
For we are living through one of the great climactic eras of history, a major faulting of the institutional crust.Columbia Univeriiicy i-_„ S6' Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2006 with funding from IVIicrosoft Corporation OObradrich BUSINESS AS A SYSTEM OF POWER BUSINESS AS A SYSTEM OF POWER By ROBERT A. That Corporation is not, however, the author, owner, publisher, or proprietor of this publication, and is not to be understood as approving by virtue of its grant any of the statements made or views expressed therein.BRADY New York : Momlngslde Heights COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS 1943 Copyright 1943 COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS, NEW YORK Foreign Agents: Oxford University Press, Humphrey milford, AMEN house, LONDON, E. To WESLEY CLAIR MITCHELL who, without knowing it, has had much to do with the writing of this book FOREWORD MEN HAVE ALWAYS EXPERIENCED difficulty in pcrcciving the thrust of deeper tendencies beneath the surface phenomena of their day.Power is no less "political" for being labeled "economic" power; for politics is but the science of "who gets what, when, and how." Alexander Hamil- ton advocated and Jefferson opposed the effort of clotted economic power to substitute concentrated minority class power for diffused power.Lincoln referred to this same tendency when he wrote in i860, "Soberly, it is now no child's play to save the principles of Jefferson from total overthrow in this nation"; and he went on to speak of "the miners and sappers of returning despotism" engaged in undercutting democracy.The preponderant weight of economic power in the Constitutional Convention, while conceding the out- ward forms of political democracy, went on at once to curb the exercise of the very power it had just granted; it crippled the force of democratic power at the source by parceling up this power by a marvelously dexterous system of barriers to its expression.Thus political equality under the ballot was granted on the unstated but factually double-locked assumption that the people must refrain from seeking the extension of that equality to the economic sphere.If she clearly doesn't want you, be a gentleman as you say goodbye.If she wants to keep kissing, then you can even try to French kiss her after a few minutes; just don't put your tongue into her mouth right away or she'll be thrown off guard.In such a time, when men and their most cherished concerns are being dragged headlong at the heels of confused events, the one chance for constructive recovery of control lies in the diagnosis of underlying causes. Brady cuts through to the central problem dis- rupting our world, the most dangerous issue democracy faces.This problem is not basically created by Adolf Hitler and the Axis na- tions, but by the organized economic power backing the Hitlers in nation after nation over the industrial world as a device for shoring up for yet a while longer a disintegrating economic system.